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THE NEED FOR A UNITED CONSERVATIVE FORCE IN QUEENSLAND

Wed 18th Jun 2008

 “A regular columnist with THE AUSTRALIAN newspaper, Ross Fitzgerald is Emeritus Professor of History and Politics at GriffithUniversity.

Professor Fitzgerald is the author of 29 books, most recently, The Pope's

Battalions: B. A. Santamaria and the Labor Split, published by the University of Queensland Press. Along with his wife Lyndal Moor, Ross Fitzgerald is the contributing coeditor of Growing Old (Dis) Gracefully: 35 Australians reflect on life over 50, recently released by ABC Books.”


'PAST PRESENT FUTURE: THE NEED FOR A UNITED CONSERVATIVE FORCE IN

QUEENSLAND.'

SPEECH TO THE QUEENSLAND NATIONALS

PRESIDENT’S CLUB, Stamford Plaza Hotel, Brisbane. 

FRIDAY 30 MAY, 2008, 6.30 - 7. 30pm 

by ProfessorROSS FITZGERALD

 

The title for my talk tonight is 'PAST PRESENT FUTURE: THE NEED FOR A UNITED CONSERVATIVE FORCE IN QUEENSLAND.'


As

Australia has, for the first time in many decades, a Queensland Labor politician as Prime Minister, plus another Queenslander as federal treasurer, it is timely to recall that Queensland boasted the world's first Labor government, which was a direct result of squabbling and disunity among Queensland's conservatives.


From December 1-7 1899, the world's first Labor premier, Anderson Dawson fleetingly ruled the colony of

Queensland.


Born 'Andrew'

Dawson at Rockhampton on 16 July 1863, Dawson more than rivals Kevin Rudd for humble beginnings.


Orphaned at an early age,

Dawson left primary school to work as a miner in ChartersTowers when he was only 12. Ten years later, in 1885 Dawson went to the Kimberley gold rush in Western Australia, but had little success and returned to Queensland where he became active in the union movement and was elected first president of the Miners' Union. In 1891 (during the great Pastoral Strike) he was chairman of the ChartersTowers strike committee, and vice-president of the Queensland provincial council of the Australian Labour Federation. He then took up journalism and for a time was editor of the 'Charters Towers Eagle'.


In 1893

Dawson was returned as a Labor candidate for the dual seat of ChartersTowers in the Queensland Legislative Assembly, and retained his seat at the 1896 election and also in 1899 - by which time he was leader of the Parliamentary Labor Party in Queensland.


In the 1890s, turmoil and division in the colony's conservative ranks - similar to the situation, which in November 2007 helped Kevin Rudd into the nation’s top job –prompted

Queensland's Lieutenant Governor to call on Dawson as leader of the opposition to form a minority government on 1 December 1899.


Seven days later, when the House again sat, the swiftly reunited conservatives regrouped and they took the government of the colony of

Queensland back from Labor.


Within a week of forming a minority government, Dawson and his ministry, which included future ALP Prime Minister Andrew Fisher, was defeated on the floor of the Lower House.


Dawson's minority government only had control of Parliament for four hours, which may be something of a record. It wasn't much but for Labor it was a start. How does the Paul Kelly song go? - 'From Little Things Big Things Grow'. Anderson Dawson's brief flirtation with power had given the ALP a chance to have a quick look at previous

Queensland colonial government files and dig up some dirt on the conservatives.


Although the Dawson Labor government lasted only a week, it was nonetheless a vital step forward in the long march of working men and women to improve their lot and is therefore an important moment both in the history of the labour movement and of Labor politics in Australia and the world.


Anderson Dawson himself went on to other milestones.


At the beginning of 1900,

Dawson resigned his leadership of the Queensland Parliamentary Labor party on account of ill health.

Nevertheless at the first election for the Australian Senate in 1901 - the year of Australia federating to become one nation - he was returned at the head of the Queensland poll. As number 1 on the Labor ticket, Dawson was the first Senator ever elected for Queensland.


In April 1904, with the parliament of

Australia based in Melbourne, he became a member of Australia's first federal Labor Government led by J.C.

(Chris) Watson – this nation’s first Labor Prime Minister. Watson’s was also a minority Government, which lasted a little over three months.


Prime minister Watson appointed Dawson Minister for Defence, and despite the fact that he had a drinking problem, which was becoming increasingly noticeable,

Dawson was quite an effective minister.


But he became increasingly unpredictable and by the mid 1900s

Dawson had lost Labor Party support. Standing as an Independent, he lost his Senate seat at the federal election of December 1906. By this time, due to his escalating alcoholism, he was separated from his wife and children who remained in Melbourne when he returned to Brisbane.


There are some other poignant facts about the life and death of Anderson Dawson.

Dawson never knew what happened to his father but at the age of 19, even though he had been christened Andrew, he adopted his father's first name, Anderson, for life, as homage to him.


He never knew, but I was able to uncover, that the year

Dawson was first elected to Queensland parliament in 1893, his father died insane in what was then called the Woogaroo Mental Asylum, which is near the outer-Brisbane suburbs of Goodna and Wacol. So his is a tragic story.


Even more so because like his father, Dawson was an alcoholic and, as is the nature of the illness of alcoholism, as he continued to drink, he got sicker and behaved in a more eccentric and outlandish fashion. When he was dropped from the Queensland ALP senate ticket in 1906,

Dawson stood as an independent. Even though he lost the election, he caused three of his Queensland Labor mates, including one who had been a member of his December 1-7 1899 Cabinet, to lose also. So in Labor circles he was, and sometimes still is, regarded as a ‘rat’.


One of the interesting facts about

Dawson’s minority government is the role played in late 1899 by Queensland's lieutenant governor, Sir Samuel Griffith. As the governor, Lord Lamington, after whom the lamington cake was named, was away in London, Griffith, a former Liberal premier and Chief Justice of Queensland, was the acting governor of Queensland at the time.


If one looks, as I have, at the confidential dispatches of the Lieutenant governor to the British secretary of state for the colonies, Joseph Chamberlain - who invented the game of snooker and was the father of Neville the Appeaser Chamberlain - it becomes apparent that Griffith appointed the minority Labor government in December 1899 as a deliberate ploy to force the warring conservatives to get their act together.


The conservatives had been in power in

Queensland for such a long time in the 1880s and 1890s that they were known as "the Continuous Government".


As often happens with such governments, they eventually started to fracture.


One group, called the Liberal Remnants, broke off, as did another group of dissidents who also withdrew support, in large part because the then conservative Premier James Dickson had offered Queensland troops as military support for the British in the Boer War, the first colonial government to do so. And this was without Dickson even consulting the

Queensland parliament.


As these dissidents and Liberal Remnants decided not to take Dickson on about a matter that would be embarrassing to the Empire, they waited a few more days and then they joined Labor to vote against the premier over what on the face of it might have seemed a minor railway bill. Even though the votes were actually 32 to 33 - Dickson snuck in with the aid of another Labor rat called Denny Kehoe, who originally hailed from Galway – premier Dickson regarded it as a vote of no confidence and he went to

Griffith to surrender his premiership.


In his confidential dispatches to the British secretary of state for the colonies, Sir Samuel Griffith makes it abundantly clear that what he did was a deliberate political ploy.

Griffith thought that if he appointed a minority Labor government the warring conservatives would be galvanized into getting their act together against what, in correspondence, he called the ‘socialistic Laborites’.


And that is precisely what happened. As soon as

Dawson's government was appointed, the conservatives thought, "goodness me, what have we done", and they very quickly voted out Dawson and appointed Robert Philp as Queensland premier.


In fact, even though the December 1899

Dawson government lasted a week, they were actually only in power in parliament for four hours as I mentioned earlier. This was because Philp and his followers quickly bit the bullet and took over the reins of government.


Yet, in terms of

Queensland's political history, the fact is that the December 1899 minority Dawson government paved the way for Labor to rule in its own right. In Queensland, this led, with the

radical- reformist premiers T.J. Ryan and E.G. ('Red Ted') Theodore initially at the helm, to the ALP governing Queensland uninterrupted from

1915 until the Labor Split in 1957, with the exception of two years during the Great Depression.


As for

Dawson, after playing a pivotal part in three Labor landmarks, his life rapidly fell apart and he died a lonely, desperate death from alcoholism and an alcohol-induced coronary in Brisbane in 1910.


For years, Dawson's grave at Brisbane's Toowong cemetery was unkempt and dilapidated - without any mention at all of Dawson's remarkable achievements - until in 1999 a group of Labor and unionist supporters banded together to give the world's first Labor premier a more fitting burial site.


When my book SEVEN DAYS TO REMEMBER: The World’s First Labor Government was published by the University of Queensland Press in 1999, the British Labor government of Tony Blair purchased 200 copies and a Labor backbencher from Manchester gave a speech in the House of Commons commemorating the 100th anniversary of the first Labor government in the world.


 

In Queensland in December 1999, ALP premier Peter Beattie gave a passionate parliamentary address on the importance of Anderson Dawson, especially focusing on his premiership of the world's first Labor government in 1899 ; on Dawson having been elected as Queensland’s first ever Senator in 1901; and on his ministerial role in Australia's first federal Labor government in 1904. The Federal electoral division of

Dawson is named after him.


Significantly, right from the beginning of

Queensland as a separate colony in 1859 there has never been a demographic base for a strong Liberal party in the colony and later in the state.


The Liberals in

Queensland, at least since Federation in 1901, have ALWAYS been the junior partner in conservative ranks.


For years, I have been arguing that the only hope that

Queensland's conservative forces have of defeating Labor in the twenty-first century is to form a single united party. I have also argued that your state National Party leader, Lawrence Springborg, who at age 21 was the youngest person to take a seat in Queensland Parliament, is far and away the most talented of the state's conservative MPs.


First elected to the one-house Queensland Parliament in 1989, the member for Southern Downs was Queensland's youngest cabinet minister when in 1998, aged 29, he became minister for natural resources in the government of Rob Borbidge.


Springborg is an urbane MP from the bush whom the city can readily like and relate to. Indeed, if he led a united conservative

Queensland party, Lawrence Springborg could give ALP Premier Anna Bligh a real run for her money, especially if the State election is not held until next year.  In part, this is because, with the conspicuous exception of Bligh herself, the Peter Beattie-less state ALP is conspicuously short on talent.


Yet even now some

Queensland senators, worried about losing their positions, are putting self-interest first by opposing Springborg's eminently sensible move.


Another obstacle, fortunately given less and less credence, is the furphy that, in the next Queensland state election due in September 2009, the state Liberals if they stand alone could win more seats than the Nationals.


Any Queensland Liberals who still think that, in the foreseeable future, they can win more state seats than the Nationals must have rocks in their heads.


For goodness sake, these dissent, stand-alone Queensland Liberals and some of their supporting apparatchiks need to be reminded that in this state the Liberals only have eight seats out of 89 in

Queensland’s one-house parliament.


If Queensland does not soon have a Springborg-led united conservative party, a HUGE AND IN MY OPINION UTTERLY INSURMOUNTABLE PROBLEM facing conservatives in Queensland is the optional preferential system of voting that Beattie was able to exploit by a ``Just vote 1'' campaign.


Another perceived difficulty is the fact that Peter Beattie shrewdly froze the number of seats in

Queensland’s one-house parliament at 89.  I am aware that some commentators maintain that the current electoral redistribution means that two or three coalition seats may be lost to Labor. I must say that I remain unconvinced by this claim, which rests I would argue on an artificially inflated sense of support for Labor in Queensland, which resulted almost entirely from Opposition incompetence and division at the last Queensland state election.


In any case, somewhat balanced against this is the fact that Beattie is no longer leader of the ALP. This means that his brilliant tactic when faced with any major problem of constantly saying, ``Sorry, very sorry, I will fix it'' (as though the problem weren't the making of his Labor governments) no longer applies. This quintessentially Beattie tactic is certainly not easily available to Ann Bligh who, despite her protestations to the contrary, may well call an early election some time this year.


Lawrence Springborg, who is only 40 years old, has learned a lot in the past few years in Opposition. In particular, he understands that disunity is death and that conservative forces in

Queensland, and if possible in the nation as a whole, need to be swiftly welded together into one political party. As his previous championing of a single united conservative force in Queensland makes clear, he is unafraid to champion necessary but temporarily unpopular causes.

 

Lawrence has a number of other innovative ideas, not least of which is allowing conscience votes on a wide range of social issues and advocating the breath-testing of members of parliament. If it is good enough for the parliament to legislate for police officers, airplane pilots and train and bus drivers, why should not MPs be regularly and randomly tested for booze and other drugs?


Readers of THE AUSTRALIAN will know that I have long argued that the only hope the conservatives have of defeating the Labor government in

Queensland is to form a single united party.

 ‘Reformist’ and ‘moderniser’ are not words usually associated with the leadership of the Queensland National Party- an organization that is often still stereotyped as representing the excesses of Johannes Bjelke-Petersen.


Yet in guiding the push to merge the state National and Liberal parties, Lawrence Springborg is proving himself to be a reformer and moderniser of non-Labor politics at a state, and with a bit of luck, at a national level as well.


Unlike the rest of

Australia, as you well know, in Queensland the National Party remains the major partner in the Coalition by a ratio of two to one.

Commentators and citizens need to be reminded that the Liberals here hold a mere eight seats out of 89. Yet stubbornly, and against all the evidence, a number of Queensland Liberals keep running the line that they can gain more state seats than the Nationals.


This is absolute nonsense. As I mentioned earlier, the Queensland Liberals have never come close to ousting the Country/National Party as the major conservative party in this state.  Indeed currently, Lawrence Springborg actually enjoys a greater level of support in metropolitan areas than that of any state Liberal member.